Black Blackmail

For the first half of the 20th century the specter of massive Negro rioting was countered by an unwritten truce between Negro leaders and the federal government. Starting in 1950 this undeclared truce began to break down. This culminated in the decade of 1960 - 1969 with uncontrollable Negro violence in major cities. The New York subway system was virtually shut down do to roaming, young Negroes terrorizing the subways.
The bizarre, self-inflicting cry of "Burn baby, burn" was gleefully shouted as Negroes torched their own neighborhoods, very reminiscent of the senseless destruction that would occur in Africa itself.

The Negro mayhem was stopped on a dime for one reason - Negro blackmail of the United States government.

Using the civil rights movement as a convenient, face-saving cover, the United States guaranteed the Negro leaders preferential treatment in education, housing, employment and subsistence to the Negro race. Barriers to Negro restriction of association with whites such as schools, public transportation, public facilities and the military were to be rapidly and legally removed. Of course this eventually was not enough for certain so-called Negro leaders who threatened and blackmailed businesses and industries to create non-existing positions or to provide free products for Negroes.

By the mid 1960s, the official plan or rationale of the federal government was to secretly create an artificial Negro middle class in the hope that such Negroes would have enough invested in racial stability and their own self-interest to at least not be the instigators of future Negro rioting. But to just mandate Negro preferences in government hiring was not enough. The federal government had to force the private sector to hire, promote and even create make-work positions for Negroes.

Obviously this secret agenda of the government to pay blackmail to the Negro would have been very difficult to conceal without the charade of the civil rights movement. The federal government had a huge stake in the civil rights movement succeeding. Most of the so-called debates and legal stands against desegregation and preferential treatment of the Negro were doomed from the start. The die had been cast.

And yet the question still lingers that if right away in the early 1950s the opponents of desegregation had focused their arguments on true Negro anthropology instead of on Constitutional grounds of states' rights, would the courts have been intellectually compelled to decide in their favor despite being pressured otherwise.

Though constantly maligned in the press and in films, the White Southerner understood and cared about the Southern Negro. The South enforced segregation of the races but still considered the Negro as a member of the South, in part as "one of their own". This is in sharp contrast with the hypocritical North. You see, in the South the Southerner did not care for the Negro as a race but fully accepted them as individuals. They were welcomed in Southern homes as nannies for White children, even in segregated eating establishments most of the waiters were Negroes. The exact opposite occurred in the North. The Northerner professed to love the Negroes as a race but disliked and avoided them as individuals. While I lived in Virginia my mother visited me from Connecticut. She was appalled and very upset with Negroes waiting on her in most restaurants. Something, of course, that any Southerner would not give one second's thought to.

Consider that by 1950 the Southern universities seats in anthropology and social sciences had too been infected and swayed by northern equalitarian philosophy. The South instinctively realized the real issue was in the racial limitations of the Negro but it had by then been misled so often that such reason did not exist that the Southerner had almost come to believe it. The same trance that was fogging the North had descended on the South but the South was principled enough to not succumb and destroy its culture.

But unfortunately the South chose to resist the trance of equalitarianism with a counter-illusion based on  Constitutional states' rights. The best minds of the South clung to the belief that states' rights was their best defense. Even more damaging, there appeared  to be an agenda among Southern politicians and officials that race was to no longer be even mentioned or hinted at. Feverish argument over the validity of the 14th Amendment wasted precious time in both the South and the North, while no one addressed or challenged the root of the whole trouble - the assumption that the Negro was ready and able to be equal in White American society.